Saturday, September 15, 2018

The Uncle Package

'Uncles' are coming to the rescue for the bullied students.

According to a report by Chosun Ilbo on September 12, the 'Uncle Service' is now a growing business.

The 'Uncle Service' comes in 3 different packages - the 'Uncle Package', the 'Evidence Package', and the 'Chaperone Package'.

The 'Uncle Package' is a service where a big, intimidating man in their 30s-40s pretends to be a student's uncle. The 'uncle' will give a stern warning to the bullies, and accompany the student on their way to and back from school. The service is provided for 500,000 KRW (443 USD) per day.

For the 'Evidence Package', the uncle obtains evidence of bullying by filming the scene with mini cameras. The uncle will report the evidence to the school, and tell them, "I'll submit an official complaint to the school board if you guys do not properly investigate the case. We want a clear resolution." The 'Evidence Package' is provided for 400,000 KRW (354 USD).

Lastly, the 'Chaperone Package' is where the 'uncle' visits the job sites of the bully's parents. The 'uncle' will protest in front of their office buildings, and scream, "A parent of a bully works here." The service is provided for 2 million KRW (1,772 USD) for a total of 4 visits.

by yckim124, allkpop |  Read more:
Image: uncredited
[ed. I could do this. In Hawaii if you're around 50 or older every young person tends to call you 'Uncle' (or Auntie as the case may be, which is actually kind of endearing). I just need to get some Yakuza-style tats like this guy.]

CEO Of California’s $350B Pension Fund Has No Degree

The chief executive of California’s $350 billion pension fund does not have a college degree and the revelation has startled some retirees.

Marcie Frost, who leads the California Public Employee Retirement System — the largest in the U.S. — did not claim to have a college degree when she was hired to lead CalPERS in 2016, the Sacramento Bee reported Thursday.

But Frost now faces criticism after a blogger pointed out Frost implied in her application and in a statement announcing her hiring that she was working on obtaining a college degree.

Blogger Susan Webber wrote Frost said she was pursuing dual degrees at The Evergreen State College in Olympia when she applied to CalPERS but she had not taken any classes there since 2010.

“We are surprised. You just assume in today’s market if you’re going to be CEO of the nation’s largest retirement system that you’d have some kind of degree,” Tim Behrens, president of California State Retirees, told the newspaper. He added, “I don’t think anything happened badly because of her lack of a degree.”

Frost, 54, said her career accelerated first in Washington state and then at CalPERS since she first took classes at Evergreen in 2010. She did not enroll in a class after that year, although she said she still intends to obtain a degree.

“It’s something that I will finish in my life but this position at CalPERS is the most important thing I’m doing today,” she said.

She earned $387,000 at CalPERS last year, according to state salary records.

Five board members told The Sacramento Bee they knew of Frost’s lack of degree but said they chose her because they believed she was someone who could work to advance the fund’s goals.

“Quite frankly it’s not a piece of paper. It’s about somebody who can do a job. She presented herself as the best person who could do the job in that interview,” said CalPERS Board of Administration Vice President Rob Feckner.

by AP |  Read more:
Image: Getty via 
[ed. Evergreen? See also: Evergreen Ranks as One of the Worst Colleges in the U.S. for Free Speech and Evergreen State College Hit with ‘Catastrophic’ Enrollment Crisis.]

BPA-Free Plastics Are Just as Toxic as BPA-Laden Ones

BPA is a chemical compound that has long been used to make plastic products including water bottles and to coat cans. But in recent years, following studies warning of the potential health consequences of minute traces, many companies have substituted similar chemicals into their food and drink containers that they then label “BPA-free.”

The widespread use of BPA has, in theory, been reduced.

The problem is that the chemical composition of BPS, short for bisphenol S, varies very little from BPA, or bisphenol A. This means that the supposed health benefits of replacing BPA with BPS and other similar compounds simply don’t exist, according to a new study in the journal Current Biology.

An estimated 93% of Americans have BPA in their bodies, potentially impacting the human body’s endocrine system and causing fertility complications in men and women, according to a study conducted by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). BPA has also been linked to early puberty in girls and genital deformation in boys, as well as metabolic conditions related to obesity and even some cancers.

In the latest study, researchers from Washington State University and the University of California at San Francisco, wrote that the effects of bisphenol exposure can persist for several generations. That means that even if safe in small doses, the accumulation over time would continue to impact people’s health.

The study wasn’t exactly intentional. When the authors noticed laboratory mice producing abnormal eggs and sperm, they looked for the cause and discovered replacement bisphenols were causing contamination. They then conducted subsequent studies to show how chromosomal abnormalities can persist for up to three generations.

This isn’t even the first time the study authors have stumbled upon BPA’s effects in their labs. In fact, some of the authors of this most recent study are the same that authored a definitive report on BPA in the same journal in 2003 after noticing BPA contaminants in their labs caused female mice to produce chromosomally abnormal eggs.

by Brittany Shoot, Fortune |  Read more:
Image: uncredited via
[ed. See also: Chemical BPA Alternative 'Linked to Foetal Brain Changes']

Friday, September 14, 2018


Lou Feck, Argosy magazine, April 1969
via:

K.Flay

Something For Nothing

Over Labor Day weekend, the soundman for a third-tier country act slashed the logos off his socks in response to a multinational corporation signing an endorsement deal with an out-of-work football player best known for protesting police violence. This word assemblage, which reads like gibberish even if you get the cues, was the latest flashpoint in the never-ending culture wars. Colin Kaepernick was run out of the NFL because of his anti-racist activism; he’s still arguably the sport’s most popular player, in spite of not having played for two-plus seasons. He’s also the designated nemesis for MAGA types still fuming over the wave of anti-American kneeling he loosed upon the league.

Nike’s decision to feature Kaepernick in its upcoming sneaker campaign set off shockwaves throughout the world of sports and beyond. Reactionaries like Ben Shapiro and Clay Travis (a huckster who has carved out a niche for himself as the right’s go-to sports guy) were predictably aghast; non-notables like the Big and Rich soundman and a few randos on Twitter who burned their shoes, tried to stick it to Nike as if post facto boycott were possible. Ridicule taking aim at their misguided protests swamped social media—to the point that this meta-reaction nearly overshadowed the ad’s positive reception by pretty much everyone sympathetic to Kaepernick or his cause.

The ad itself is a fascinating piece of communication whose implications speak volumes. It’s spare—a black and white photograph of Kaepernick’s face emblazoned with the copy “Believe in something. Even it means sacrificing everything.” Kaepernick’s mere image alongside what is otherwise fairly boilerplate Nike-speak in the “Just Do It” vein is catnip to his supporters and an affront to conservatives. There is, at present, no reason for any company to endorse him as an athlete, which means that Nike (which has had him under contract all along) is forking over a hefty payday, a shoe, and potentially a line of apparel to someone on the basis of his activism. In the most simplistic branding terms, this decision means that social justice work is good, and its critics are therefore bad. Nike has trained the spotlight on Kaepernick when it could’ve easily remained silent.

But it’s just as instructive to look at what the ad didn’t say. It cosigns the Nike brand to Kaepernick’s determination and integrity, not the substance of his “something”—which, by his own admission, evolved over time as he gained a more sophisticated understanding of politics and activism. His message, which is perhaps best described as an inchoate structural critique of racist violence, is wholly absent; we have to settle for generic motivational copy that could easily apply to sports, or any other demanding endeavor off the field. It is impossible to agree or disagree with the ad. Nike pointedly does not decry white supremacy, police violence, the carceral state, or environmental racism—all themes Kaepernick has touched on via his public statements and charitable work. Much like the “Equality” campaign from last year or the much-praised utterances of LeBron James, its premier athlete, Nike here demonstrated clear limits to just how far it is willing to go.

Kaepernick is such a polarizing figure that a backlash was inevitable; Nike almost certainly had anticipated it and decided that the benefits of featuring him outweighed the downsides. The ad is provocative—but it’s a mistake to call it “brave” or “risky.” Nike knew exactly how much it stood to gain and lose and acted accordingly. It won’t explicitly mention what Kaepernick stands (or, ahem, kneeled) for—and to note this glaring omission isn’t to condemn the ad or its champions. It’s just worth noting that there’s only so much said here. You can go half-full, and be happy this is happening at all; there’s been some befuddling “yeah Kap, get paid!” sentiment, as if one individual’s windfall is a win if that person professes certain ideological leanings. And the allied sentiment in such discussions—holding, in essence, that “it’s easier to work with corporations unafraid to take sides”—presumes that Nike is actually going out on a limb. Still, the sheer gravity of seeing Colin Kaepernick in a major advertising campaign is huge. It shows, if nothing else, that he simply refuses to go away—and in at least this one case, a corporation is willing a play a role in heightening his visibility.

At the same time, there are some entirely valid reasons to be skeptical of Nike’s involvement here and this perspective has been markedly absent from the conversation. That the ad has been uncritically embraced says a lot about how credulously people interact with corporations these days. And this reflects a broader, informal social contract that governs much of our political and cultural discourse these days—the cold reality of what corporations represent, how they function, and what drives them has become eclipsed by the far more relatable, and pliable, notion of the consumer brand.

If corporations come off as sinister and oppressive, brands convey a message that’s relentlessly personable and accessible. We’re haunted by the aloof, godlike specter of corporations whenever we pay our bills or contemplate our election-season choices; we engage with brands on a daily basis, allowing them to define us even as we reciprocally try to define their uses and significations. And perhaps most essentially, we ascribe meaning to them apart from what they actually are. In what one might term the Citizens United style deregulation of commerce in our psyches, we relate to brands as if there were an ideology, agency, and governing sentiment underlying them. Brands are companions, friends, and allies. The alternative—that we’re all dupes incapable of imagining a life not circumscribed by our relationship with these entities—is absolutely grim and raises all sorts of difficult questions in its own right.

Viewed in the context of the charged psychic minefield of brand symbolism, the embrace of the Kaepernick ad as an unconditional triumph is a gesture of self-preservation. The current state of debate surrounding putative loyalty to the national anthem and the NFL—both patriotic brands cultivating a similarly charged sort of signification among a very different consumer demographic—requires us to interpret the Nike-branded message as a token of progress because otherwise we would have to admit how cut off we are from any real version of dissent or meaningful opposition. Our own capacity to trust Nike belies an underlying sickness that we would rather not address. That we are okay with a politics mediated by brands puts the onus on us—which is to say, where it should ultimately belong. Unless Nike stuns everyone by expanding its partnership with Kaepernick to the point of adopting his worldview to influence corporate practices, we should view these efforts neutrally. Having Kaepernick around is good for the discourse; but our own ready inclination to pat Nike on the back for the culture-war troubles it’s now fending off largely by design points to some disquieting truths about ourselves.

by Nathaniel Friedman, The Baffler | Read more:
Image: uncredited

How a Half-Educated Tech Elite Delivered Us Into Chaos

One of the biggest puzzles about our current predicament with fake news and the weaponisation of social media is why the folks who built this technology are so taken aback by what has happened. Exhibit A is the founder of Facebook, Mark Zuckerberg, whose political education I recently chronicled. But he’s not alone. In fact I’d say he is quite representative of many of the biggest movers and shakers in the tech world. We have a burgeoning genre of “OMG, what have we done?” angst coming from former Facebook and Google employees who have begun to realise that the cool stuff they worked on might have had, well, antisocial consequences.

Put simply, what Google and Facebook have built is a pair of amazingly sophisticated, computer-driven engines for extracting users’ personal information and data trails, refining them for sale to advertisers in high-speed data-trading auctions that are entirely unregulated and opaque to everyone except the companies themselves.

The purpose of this infrastructure was to enable companies to target people with carefully customised commercial messages and, as far as we know, they are pretty good at that. (Though some advertisers are beginning to wonder if these systems are quite as good as Google and Facebook claim.) And in doing this, Zuckerberg, Google co-founders Larry Page and Sergey Brin and cowrote themselves licences to print money and build insanely profitable companies.

It never seems to have occurred to them that their advertising engines could also be used to deliver precisely targeted ideological and political messages to voters. Hence the obvious question: how could such smart people be so stupid? The cynical answer is they knew about the potential dark side all along and didn’t care, because to acknowledge it might have undermined the aforementioned licences to print money. Which is another way of saying that most tech leaders are sociopaths. Personally I think that’s unlikely, although among their number are some very peculiar characters: one thinks, for example, of Paypal co-founder Peter Thiel – Trump’s favourite techie; and Travis Kalanick, the founder of Uber.

So what else could explain the astonishing naivety of the tech crowd? My hunch is it has something to do with their educational backgrounds. Take the Google co-founders. Sergey Brin studied mathematics and computer science. His partner, Larry Page, studied engineering and computer science. Zuckerberg dropped out of Harvard, where he was studying psychology and computer science, but seems to have been more interested in the latter.

Now mathematics, engineering and computer science are wonderful disciplines – intellectually demanding and fulfilling. And they are economically vital for any advanced society. But mastering them teaches students very little about society or history – or indeed about human nature. As a consequence, the new masters of our universe are people who are essentially only half-educated. They have had no exposure to the humanities or the social sciences, the academic disciplines that aim to provide some understanding of how society works, of history and of the roles that beliefs, philosophies, laws, norms, religion and customs play in the evolution of human culture.

We are now beginning to see the consequences of the dominance of this half-educated elite. As one perceptive observer Bob O’Donnell puts it, “a liberal arts major familiar with works like Alexis de Tocqueville’s Democracy in America, John Stuart Mill’s On Liberty, or even the work of ancient Greek historians, might have been able to recognise much sooner the potential for the ‘tyranny of the majority’ or other disconcerting sociological phenomena that are embedded into the very nature of today’s social media platforms. While seemingly democratic at a superficial level, a system in which the lack of structure means that all voices carry equal weight, and yet popularity, not experience or intelligence, actually drives influence, is clearly in need of more refinement and thought than it was first given.”

by John Naughton, The Guardian |  Read more:
Image: Evan Vucci/AP

Thursday, September 13, 2018

Michelle Branch

A Cheap Windows Alternative for MacBook Users

I need a new lightweight laptop, as I travel a bit, but cannot afford a Mac at this time. I already own an iPad (and an iPhone) but the screen is too small for hosting group meetings. Also, I am a writer and photographer. What would be your suggestion for a lightweight, value-for-money laptop that won’t take me too far from the facilities of an Apple product that I’ve been accustomed to using for many years. Bernadette
If you’re a happy long-term Mac user then I recommend you stick with Apple. There’s not a huge amount of difference between MacOS and Windows 10, but you will have built up years of experience and “motor memory” reactions that you will lose if you change operating systems. Also, while Windows 10 does a reasonable job of working with smartphones, you will lose the integration that Apple provides between iPhones, iPads, MacBooks and iCloud.

And while MacBooks still cost more than mainstream Windows laptops, the saving may not be compelling if you view it over the life of the machine.

For example, let’s imagine that you would be happy to pay an extra 50p per day for the pleasure of staying with Apple. If you amortise your laptop purchase over three years, you could afford to pay a premium of £390 to buy a MacBook Pro (assuming a five-day working week). If you reckon you could make it last five years, you could justify a premium of £650. Of course, this argument is moot if you don’t have the cash.

The obvious alternative is a refurbished or secondhand MacBook Pro, either from Apple or a third-party supplier. The drawback is that only old Macs are cheap. A MacBook Pro from, say, late 2016 could still cost around £1,000, and you could buy a new 13in MacBook Air for that.

Windows’ advantages

It’s easier to switch systems if you have positive reasons for moving, rather than just the lower price. One example is the wide range of screen sizes from 7in (in the GPD Win 2) through 10.1in, 11.6in, 12.5in, 13.3in, 14in, 15.6in and 17.3in to the 21in curved screen in the Acer Predator 21 X gaming laptop. In your case, a 14in screen would provide good portability in a size that you cannot get from Apple, and where 1920 x 1080 pixels is acceptable resolution.

With Windows 10, the advantages include touch screens, the ability to run tablet apps, pen operation, logging in with face recognition using Windows Hello, and the “tent mode” you get with laptops that have 360-degree hinges.

Not all Windows laptops have all of these features – they add to the cost – so it would be useful if you could try them in advance to see which ones would work for you.

Of course, the iPad Pro offers some of them. However, a Windows 10 machine like a Microsoft Surface Pro offers all but one (tent mode) as well as the power of a MacBook in a single device.

A Surface Pro – alternatives are available from other suppliers – should also work well for a writer and photographer. You can run full Adobe Lightroom and Photoshop with a mouse or touchpad, do editing and annotation with a pen, then use it like a tablet for viewing or showing images. You can also handwrite notes in OneNote.

Some iPad apps are becoming available in MacOS, but Apple is still in denial about touch screens. I’ve been using them for six years now, and when I use a laptop that doesn’t have touch, it feels backward and broken.

Mac-like laptops

Asus stands out as the Windows PC manufacture with the most Mac-like products. Its manufacturing arm, Pegatron, has been a contract manufacturer for Apple and Microsoft so it knows the business. (Both company names are derived from Pegasus, the flying horse.) Asus Zenbooks tend to be better made and have screens with better colour gamuts than many alternatives, but may cost more as well.

The obvious laptop for your purposes is the 14in non-touch Asus UX410UA-GV544T, which is “crafted from solid aluminium” (but not a unibody design) and available in Quartz Grey or Rose Gold. The current version has a 2.2GHz Intel Core i3-8130U with 4GB of memory and a 256GB SSD. The screen resolution is 1920 x 1080 pixels (Full HD). The price from Asus is £643.89 (or 12 monthly payments of £56.96), which is around half the price of a 13in MacBook Pro with a seventh-generation Core i5 and 8GB.

The Asus UX410UA is the same as the Asus UX3410UA, while the Asus UX410UQ models have Nvidia 940MX graphics chips. The UX430UA models are newer, slightly thinner and a little more expensive. The UX490UA is the deluxe version. Any of these would do the job.

Some models with the previous (seventh) generation of Core processors are now being sold off at a discount. Amazon has a UX410UA-GV158T with a Core i3-7100U for £549.99, though this only saves £50 over the same laptop with a Core i3-8130U. Argos has a better deal with its clearance offer of the same machine (Core i3-7100U/4GB/128GB) for £469.99. This might be your best buy.

The main drawback is the 4GB of memory, but the Argos Q&A says that you can upgrade it, and this has generally been the case with UX410UA designs. However, there is only one memory slot, so you’d have to ditch the 4GB installed to fit 8GB or 16GB.

I’m less concerned about the 128GB SSD because you can slot in a cheap 64GB or larger SD card to store photos and presentations.

If you have the cash, consider either the UX410UA-GV350T for £659.98 (£140 off while stocks last) or the slimmer UX430-GV414T for £679.97 (£120 off). Both these laptops have new Core i5-8250U chips, 8GB and 256GB SSDs. UltrabookReview.com explains the differences.

As usual with Windows laptops, there are lots of variations with different processors, memory and SSDs, so shop around for the one that best matches your needs and your bank balance.

Touch and tent mode

If you fancy a touch-screen 14in laptop with tent and tablet modes then look at the HP Pavilion x360 and Lenovo Yoga 500 ranges. The Yogas support Lenovo’s optional Active Pen, while HP laptops support different active pens. (Non-active or capacitive pens just work like fingers.)

In this case, the cheap option is a 14in Yoga 520-141KB at Currys PC World for £399.97 (£130 off). This has a Core i3-7100U with 4GB and a 128GB SSD. The main drawback is the gold metallic finish. The identical machine costs £449.97 in grey and £499.98 in black.

There are two more expensive options with better specifications. The Yoga 530-141KB has a Core i3-8130U processor, 4GB of memory and 256GB SSD for £599.99 while the HP Pavilion x360 14-cd0008sa has a faster Core i5-8250U, 8GB of memory and 256GB SSD for £699.99. Expensive? A similar 13in non-touch MacBook Pro with a slower Core i5-7360U costs £1,449.

In general, it’s better to buy a Yoga direct from Lenovo because you can add three years of on-site support for £68.40.

by Jack Schofield, The Guardian | Read more:
Image:Hinterhaus Productions/Getty Images
[ed. See also: Windows 10 Now Warns Users Not to Install Chrome or Firefox]

Scientific Publishing is a Rip-Off

Never underestimate the power of one determined person. What Carole Cadwalladr has done to Facebook and big data, and Edward Snowden has done to the state security complex, the young Kazakhstani scientist Alexandra Elbakyan has done to the multibillion-dollar industry that traps knowledge behind paywalls. Sci-Hub, her pirate web scraper service, has done more than any government to tackle one of the biggest rip-offs of the modern era: the capture of publicly funded research that should belong to us all. Everyone should be free to learn; knowledge should be disseminated as widely as possible. No one would publicly disagree with these sentiments. Yet governments and universities have allowed the big academic publishers to deny these rights. Academic publishing might sound like an obscure and fusty affair, but it uses one of the most ruthless and profitable business models of any industry.

The model was pioneered by the notorious conman Robert Maxwell. He realised that, because scientists need to be informed about all significant developments in their field, every journal that publishes academic papers can establish a monopoly and charge outrageous fees for the transmission of knowledge. He called his discovery “a perpetual financing machine”. He also realised that he could capture other people’s labour and resources for nothing. Governments funded the research published by his company, Pergamon, while scientists wrote the articles, reviewed them and edited the journalsfor free. His business model relied on the enclosure of common and public resources. Or, to use the technical term, daylight robbery.

As his other ventures ran into trouble, he sold his company to the Dutch publishing giant Elsevier. Like its major rivals, it has sustained the model to this day, and continues to make spectacular profits. Half the world’s research is published by five companies: Reed Elsevier, Springer, Taylor & Francis, Wiley-Blackwell and the American Chemical Society. Libraries must pay a fortune for their bundled journals, while those outside the university system are asked to pay $20, $30, sometimes $50 to read a single article.

While open-access journals have grown rapidly, researchers still have to read the paywalled articles in commercial journals. And, because their work is assessed by those who might fund, reward or promote them according to the impact of the journals in which they publish, many feel they have no choice but to surrender their research to these companies. Science ministers come and go without saying a word about this rip-off. (...)

Like people in many countries where scholarship is poorly funded, Elbakyan discovered that she could not complete her neuroscience research without pirated articles. Outraged by the journals’ padlock on knowledge, she used her hacking skills to share papers more widely. Sci-Hub allows free access to 70m papers, otherwise locked behind paywalls.

She was sued in 2015 by Elsevier, which won $15m in damages for copyright infringement, and in 2017 by the American Chemical Society, resulting in a $4.8m fine. These were civil cases, concerning civil matters. While the US courts have characterised her activities as copyright violation and data theft, to me her work involves the restoration to the public realm of property that belongs to us and for which we have paid. In the great majority of cases, the research reported has been funded by taxpayers. Most of the work involved in writing the papers, reviewing and editing them is carried out at public expense by people at universities. Yet this public asset has been captured, packaged and sold back to us for phenomenal fees. Those who pay most are publicly funded libraries. Taxpayers must shell out twice: first for the research, then to see the work they have sponsored. There might be legal justifications for this practice. There are no ethical justifications.

Alexandra Elbakyan lives in hiding, beyond the jurisdiction of the US courts, and moves Sci-Hub between domains as it gets taken down. (...)

Now libraries feel empowered to confront the big publishers. They can refuse to renew contracts with companiesas their users have another means of getting past the paywall. As the system has begun to creak, government funding agencies have at last summoned the courage to do what they should have done decades ago, and demand the democratisation of knowledge.

Last week, a consortium of European funders, including major research agencies in the UK, France, the Netherlands and Italy, published their “Plan S”. It insists that, from 2020, research we have already paid for through our taxes will no longer be locked up. Any researcher receiving money from these funders must publish her or his work only in open-access journals.

The publishers have gone ballistic. Springer Nature argues that this plan “potentially undermines the whole research publishing system”. Yes, that’s the point.

by George Monbiot, The Guardian |  Read more:
Image: Eva Bee

Wednesday, September 12, 2018

Sticks and Stones and Varieties of Ether

It turns out Strife’s a twin, a double birth—
There are not one but two Strifes on earth…
One’s blessed, one’s cursed.

—Hesiod

In republics there is more vitality, more hatred, and more desire for revenge.
—Niccolò Machiavelli

The storms of rivalry and feud currently blowing through America’s internet portals rise to the wind-scale force of Wagnerian opera, but it’s hard to know whether the sound and fury is personal, political, or pathological. The stagings of vengeful lies to destroy a graven Facebook image, or the voicing of competitive truth that is the vitality of a democratic republic?

The problem doesn’t yield to zero-sum solution. Hesiod’s twin Strifes are permanent members of the human condition; neither of them can be impeached. The pagan Greek poet was clear on the point. During his own lifetime, he was familiar with the news and fake news of the Trojan War wandering around on the eastern Mediterranean lecture circuit, and he would have known that cursed Strife “brings forth discord, nurtures evil war,” killed Hector, Agamemnon, and Achilles, bears “great honors to…gift-guzzling kings”; known also that blessed Strife launched a thousand ships, “spurs a man who otherwise would shirk” to surpass his neighbor in “racing to reach prosperity.” The difficulty is the knowing which one is which, with which one a man is better advised to keep company—with “mischief making,” “eavesdropping in the marketplace,” and the “spying on quarrels,” or trying to do his best with the Strife that is nearer to hand.

Machiavelli during his lifetime was personally acquainted with the cursed Strife inflicted on Florence by gift-guzzling Medici princes, also with the bonfiring of the city’s beloved vanities at the behest of Friar Girolamo Savonarola, a vengeful Dominican monk preaching the word of God as a howl of rage against the world, the flesh, and the devil. The history books tend to portray Machiavelli as a cynical Italian courtier supplying despots with murderous raisons d’état. The spin is travesty. Machiavelli was an idealistic civil servant who was also a poet and playwright seeking to provide early sixteenth-century Florence with a republican form of government. He rated the task as the most worthy of human endeavors when supported by a citizenry animated with the will to act instead of the wish to be cared for.

To promote his effort to equip Florence with a civilian militia, and acting on his authority as second chancellor of the Florentine republic, Machiavelli in 1503–4 encouraged both Michelangelo and Leonardo da Vinci to burnish the walls of the Great Council Hall with the scene of a famous battle in which the free city of Florence defeated a rival city dependent for its freedoms on hired mercenaries.

The story, as told in The Lost Battles by the British art critic Jonathan Jones, attributes the flowering of the arts in fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Florence not to the city’s “wealth or taste or intellect” but to the “rabid competitive individualism” of its citizens, to what Leonardo in his Notebooks regards as “good envy” (la invidia bona) that “will stimulate you to be among the number who are more praised than you, and the lauding of the others will spur you on.”

by Lewis Lapham, Lapham's Quarterly |  Read more:

***
We’re often told that the Beatles and Rolling Stones actually admired one another, that Magic Johnson and Larry Bird were off-court friends. At the end of a fiercely contested battle, there are still handshakes, pleasantries, expressions of mutual admiration, prayer huddles for the only judgment that matters. When younger generations emerge to challenge the bygone revolutions of their forebears, it’s said to be in the service of a grand teleological arc, an earnest desire to do things better. But this has always struck me as an incomplete picture of how culture works. Sometimes brinksmanship tips toward true disdain, and desires to merely show someone up descend into fantasies of destruction. Can dark, trifling feelings produce uplifting art?

I became interested in a version of literary history that is animated not by camaraderie, or by the friendly rivalry of a close-knit cohort, but by antipathy, insecurity, jealousy. After all, writing is a profession like any other. And while literary culture rarely measures worth solely by sales, other metrics of achievement, such as awards and prizes, offer a vaguely reputable kind of side-by-side comparison. The Nobel Prize, for example, has become an annual referendum on the health of our greats. While it’s silly to say that one “loses” the Nobel Prize—the Swedish Academy’s inner workings can be secretive, and in recent years disconcertingly plagued by scandal—there have been writers who have seemed particularly glum about not having been chosen. In the 1920s, Theodore Dreiser, known for his morally ambiguous masterworks of naturalism, felt he had a shot to become the first American winner for literature. Encouraged by his publisher, he began cozying up to European publishers, journalists, and radio broadcasters. But another American contender, Sinclair Lewis, had already been doing this for years; he also had been more outward about his ambitions, describing the Nobel as “his one hope in life.” When Lewis won in 1930, it was seen as a reward for his consistent efforts to court Europe. Some even felt that his novels flattered old-world readers by offering American life as a series of exaggerated caricatures and archetypes.

Dreiser was crestfallen. It was unlikely that another American would win for many years. Yet somehow it was Lewis who bore a grudge. In 1931 they were both at a dinner in New York honoring the Russian novelist Boris Pilnyak. Dreiser congratulated Lewis, who responded with a sneer. Lewis was asked to give an impromptu speech but declined, accusing Dreiser of having plagiarized from The New Russia by Lewis’ wife Dorothy Thompson for Dreiser Looks at Russia. Lewis also called out two unidentified critics in the room who he said had “publicly lamented” his Nobel victory. The night ended with Dreiser slapping Lewis twice.

It stands to reason that artists who possess a sensitivity to human nature would themselves be hypersensitive people. And it makes sense that those with gifts for storytelling and narration are capable of shaping petty jealousy into something noble and epic.

Most rivalries grow out of differences of opinion rather than personality, though the two often become conflated. John Keats, who grew up middle-class, burned with hatred for Lord Byron, whose snobbishness reflected his privileged upbringing. (The feeling was mutual; Byron didn’t care much for “Johnny Keats’ piss-a-bed poetry,” either.) Albert Camus and Jean-Paul Sartre fell out over the question of whether “absolute freedom” and justice could coexist. (A tawdrier possibility is that these questions of agency grew out of a failed Sartre-approved tryst between Camus and Simone de Beauvoir, Sartre’s lover.) In the beginning of their acquaintance Edmund Wilson and Vladimir Nabokov were soul mates, enthralled by each other’s intellect and ego. But their differences, particularly when it came to communism, grew insurmountable. They fell out in 1965, when Wilson savaged his former pal’s translation of Pushkin’s Eugene Onegin, displacing all of his personal and political ire into a comprehensive assault of Nabokov’s quirk-filled approach to form and style.

Even snide, passing disses communicate a sense of aesthetic distinction. Truman Capote once said of Jack Kerouac’s On the Road that it wasn’t writing so much as it was “typewriting.” The “King of Horror,” Stephen King, once complained of James Patterson’s boilerplate best sellers that “every one is the same.”

Rarely are competing visions of literary goodness as clear as in reviews. In 2002, Dale Peck famously called Rick Moody “the worst writer of his generation”—a feud that ended amicably, with Moody throwing a pie in Peck’s face for charity. After Colson Whitehead playfully bashed a short-story collection by Richard Ford in the New York Times, Ford spat on him. (This seemed a more improvised response than the time Ford shot Alice Hoffman’s novel and then mailed her the carcass after she gave his novel The Sportswriter a lukewarm review.)

But the harshest accusation might be to deem your rivals unequal to their onetime promise—that they have somehow failed themselves. In the early 2000s, the rappers Jay-Z and Nas duked it out to see who could claim the crown of “King of New York.” Jay-Z was seen as someone who continually tried on different guises, whereas Nas was the prodigy who had arrived fully formed, as a teenager, with 1994’s Illmatic, an album so admired that it kept him in the good graces of fans even as he struggled for years to return to that preternatural peak. There are few compliments as backhanded as Jay-Z’s withering summation of Nas’ career: “That’s a one-hot-album-every-ten-year average,” as though Nas had let himself down. F. Scott Fitzgerald’s tragic death didn’t soften Ernest Hemingway’s view on his erstwhile friend: “I never had any respect for him ever, except for his lovely, golden, wasted talent.” In 2007, V.S. Naipaul wrote that Derek Walcott had “exhausted the first flush of his talent.” The line came from a long review that also praised the great poet, but it was read as an accusation that Walcott was coasting. Walcott retaliated the following year, at the Calabash Literary Festival, with a poem that begins: “I have been bitten, I must avoid infection / Or else I’ll be as dead as Naipaul’s fiction.”

There was no such thing as an Asian American person until the late 1960s. Around then Yuji Ichioka, a graduate student at the University of California, Berkeley, and his classmates began using the term; before that Americans of Asian descent didn’t have an umbrella term to describe their shared experience. But being able to name themselves, and reject epithets like Oriental or Asiatic, raised complications. What did this new identity mean, and who qualified for inclusion? It was a debate that played out most vociferously in the era’s literature. In 1974 the writers Frank Chin, Jeffery Paul Chan, Lawson Fusao Inada, and Shawn Wong put together Aiiieeeee! An Anthology of Asian American Writers, an earnest attempt at building an archive of authentic, politically self-aware Asian American experiences.

Two years later Maxine Hong Kingston published her first novel, The Woman Warrior, a dazzling and whimsical attempt to reframe identity as improvisatory and inauthentic. It toggled between the epic and the everyday, following a young woman growing up in San Francisco’s Chinatown in the 1960s, making sense of her path through imaginative, radiant retellings of Chinese folktales and family secrets. It was a sly, often ironic work of fiction, yet it became a surprise best seller and ubiquitous presence on college syllabi, in part because it was frequently misread as a work of autobiography and thus an earnest attempt to define the Chinese American experience.

But Kingston’s flippant attitude toward historical truth invoked the ire of a circle of Asian American writers linked to Aiiieeeee! Frank Chin, an idealistic young Chinese American playwright, dismissed her novel as “another in a long line of Chinkie autobiographies by Pocahontas yellows blowing the same old mixed-up East/West soul struggle.” In Chin’s estimation, Kingston had not only commodified her cultural heritage, she had produced a version of it that was fantastical, whimsical, not at all real, full of historical inaccuracies. For Kingston, The Woman Warrior had always been a work of fabulism, or, as she describes it in the novel, “talk-story.” Their back-and-forth went on for years. In 1989, Kingston published Tripmaster Monkey, a novel about Wittman Ah Sing, an idealistic young Chinese American playwright in the 1960s who bore a striking resemblance to Chin. She denied that it was about him. But if Chin had been sending her hate mail all these years, she later joked, it was as though she were sending him back love letters.

There’s always been a sense of fatalism baked into expressions of identity politics—after all, the need to claim a name of one’s own presumes that you’ve been answering to the wrong one for your entire life. The war between Kingston and Chin was a foundational moment in Asian American literature, and it illustrates some basic, competitive dynamics that seem ever-present within circles of creativity that aren’t safely part of the mainstream. What Chin feared was that Kingston’s version of their experience would become popular and immovable. In the view of Chin and the other Aiiieeeee! editors, the Asian American was an outsider, and the truest expressions of this sensibility could exist only outside of the popular. What did it mean that white readers were buying The Woman Warrior?

Variants of this question haunted nonwhite readers throughout the twentieth century. Was something lost in that ascendancy to the mainstream? Black literature, for example, was propelled by a constant reassessment of values and audiences. Richard Wright was critical of how younger writers like Zora Neale Hurston wrote of gender and sexuality, wondering if it all wasn’t a ploy to titillate white readers. James Baldwin attacked his former mentor Wright’s “protest novel” Native Son as a harsh and inhumane portrait of black life—one that feasted on the sympathies of white liberals. And Ralph Ellison was uncomfortable with Baldwin’s homosexuality, as well as the feverish, declarative style of his writings.

In these small segments of the literary marketplace, rivalry and beef came to mean something different. Squabbles over aesthetics or philosophy can usually accommodate different sides. But the literary establishment is overwhelmingly white, and it often anoints but one or two figures to speak on behalf of their marginalized community. To sell your story was to legitimize an identity. In other words, what was at stake when Chin faced off with Kingston, or Baldwin assailed Wright, was who the market would allow them to be: what it meant to be black, or Asian, or a woman, whose version of existence would be the one recorded in history. Often this meant foreclosing possibilities for other writers, other versions of Asian American life that didn’t fit within market-proven tropes like intergenerational struggle or family melodrama. These rivalries called attention to the problem of the market, where notions of authenticity and who would be allowed to embody an entire community’s essence were made solid.

by Hua Hsu, Lapham's Quarterly |  Read more:
Image: Wilhelm von Kaulbach

BoJack Horseman’s Brilliant Crack-Up

It’s hard to think of a show currently on air that could make me want to watch a single character speak in one long, despairing stream for nearly a whole episode. Prolonged expressions of angst can sink live-action drama, which thrives on eventfulness and conflict. But BoJack Horseman—a cartoon sitcom whose title character is a melancholic, middle-aged stallion—inhabits a genre of its own, somewhere between slapstick and theater of the absurd. Midway through the show’s new season, BoJack (voiced by Will Arnett) wears a charcoal suit and stands at a pulpit next to a coffin. His mother has died. For over 20 full minutes, with no interruption, he delivers a brilliant, pained, rambling eulogy.

Written by the show’s creator, Raphael Bob-Waksberg, with brilliant art direction by Lisa Hanawalt, the monologue careens between pathos and black humor, delusion and acceptance—and is totally transfixing. BoJack doesn’t miss his mother so much as he despises her; he is angry that she’s left him without a sense of closure. He begins his story by saying that when he went to a fast-food place and said that his mother had died, the person behind the counter gave him a free churro. Later, he ties this anecdote up in a joke: “My mother died, and all I got was this free churro.” Then he adds, “That small act of kindness showed more compassion than my mother gave me her entire goddamn life.” His voice starts to break, as he finally confronts a lifetime of abuse from his mother. It is an aria of abjection and resentment. I’m still thinking about it, days later.

If this seems like heavy stuff for a cartoon, BoJack has earned it. Over five seasons, Bob-Waksberg and Hanawalt crafted a truly goofy world (there’s a spider who works as a playwright, multitasking with eight limbs, and an ingenue deer who has literal doe-eyes) that allows them to slip in and out of surreal, sometimes dark subject matter. In one episode, a pop star named Sextina Aquafina (a leotard-wearing dolphin) has a cynical hit song about abortion; in another, BoJack is present when one of his young mentees overdoses on heroin in a planetarium. In true Darwinian fashion, BoJack Horseman has evolved from an easy joke about a horse to one of the most complex and empathetic shows on television. (...)

BoJack has become, more than anything, a show about how hurt people hurt people. It is about generational trauma, and how abuse trickles down until someone works out how to stop the train. In his eulogy, BoJack muses on the nature of sitcoms as a metaphor for life. He says that in television writing, you can never have a happy ending, because then the show would be over: “There is always more show, I guess, until there isn’t.” His mother’s story may be over, but he is still living with the trauma of her life, still acting out its major scenes. He is caught in a loop—a fact underscored by the eerie sense that BoJack may not be delivering this speech to anyone at all, but may be standing in an empty room, or perhaps inventing the macabre setting in his mind. He often cues an off-screen drummer to play a snare riff after his jokes, which makes the episode feel like a dream sequence, a kind of nonsensical vaudeville act.

He recounts his entire family story: his dad’s failed ambitions, his mother’s seething. He remembers how, at parties, she sometimes temporarily dropped her mantle of martyrdom and began to dance. It was one of the few moments, he says, that he could see love between his parents. “This cynical, despicable woman he married took flight,” he says.
This moment of grace, it meant something. We understood each other in a way, me and my mom and my dad. . . . My mother, she knew what it was like to feel your entire life like you are drowning, with the exception of these moments, these very rare instances in which you suddenly remember you can swim.
BoJack and his circle are drowners, and always have been. But they also attempt to keep swimming, despite everything. And it makes sense that many of these characters are zoological. We are less likely to blame animals for their own pain; if they are hurt, we tend to ask what the world did to them, rather than what they did to themselves.

There is a sticky cohesion to this episode, which is the apex of the season—it both stands alone and works as a mortar for the other characters’ stories (Diane travels to Vietnam in the numb wake of her divorce, Princess Caroline is desperately trying to adopt a baby, the feckless Todd rockets to the top of the corporate ladder in a position he can neither handle nor control). This is what BoJack Horseman has been building up to for several seasons—it is a cathartic release and a cruel joke. The last words BoJack’s mother ever said to him were “I see you” from her hospital bed. It was “not a statement of judgment or disappointment,” he says, “just acceptance and the simple recognition of another person in a room. Hello there, you are a person, and I see you. Let me tell you, it is a weird thing to feel at 54 years old that for the first time in your life, your mother sees you.”

By the end of his speech, BoJack realizes that Beatrice was in the intensive care unit, and she was probably just reading the words “ICU” from a wall. He steels himself against this knowledge and says that he is relieved to finally know that, like all other creatures slithering and trotting and flapping their way through Hollywoo, he is truly on his own. Then, he looks up, and we finally see his audience: a confused-looking room full of reptiles, flicking their tongues. He is in the wrong funeral parlor.

by Rachel Syme, TNR |  Read more:
Image: Netflix

Is Safetyism Destroying a Generation?

In recent years behaviours on university campuses have created widespread unease. Safe spaces, trigger warnings, and speech codes. Demands for speakers to be disinvited. Words construed as violence and liberalism described as ‘white supremacy’. Students walking on eggshells, too scared to speak their minds. Controversial speakers violently rebuked – from conservative provocateurs such as Milo Yiannopoulos to serious sociologists such as Charles Murray, to left-leaning academics such as Bret Weinstein.

Historically, campus censorship was enacted by zealous university administrators. Students were radicals who pushed the boundaries of acceptability, like during the Free Speech Movement at UC Berkeley in the 1960s. Today, however, students work in tandem with administrators to make their campus ‘safe’ from threatening ideas.

Jonathan Haidt and Greg Lukianoff’s new book, The Coddling of the American Mind: How Good Intentions and Bad Ideas Are Setting Up a Generation for Failure, persuasively unpacks the causes of the current predicament on campus – which they link to wider parenting, cultural and political trends. Haidt is a social psychology professor at New York University and founder of Heterodox Academy. Lukianoff is a constitutional lawyer and president of the Foundation for Individual Rights in Education. In 2015, they wrote The Atlantic cover story of the same name.

Haidt and Lukianoff’s explanation for our era of campus craziness is primarily psychological. In sum, a well-intentioned safety culture which has led to ‘paranoid parenting,’ and screen time replacing unstructured and unsupervised play time, has created a fragile generation. Haidt and Lukianoff focus on people born after 1995, iGen or Generation Z, who began attending college in the last five years – just when things started to escalate.

This cohort is experiencing a dramatic rise in anxiety, depression and suicide. When they arrived on campus, in an increasingly polarised political climate, they were unprepared to be intellectually challenged. They – or at least the ‘social justice’ activists of this generation – responded by creating a culture of censorship, intimidation and violence, and witch hunts against non-believers. Universities, led by risk adverse bureaucracies, are treating students like customers and allowing an aggressive, censorious minority set the agenda.

The dangers of safety culture

Haidt and Lukianoff focus on the unintended consequences of safetyism – the idea that people are weak and should be protected, rather than exposed, to challenges. Safety culture has the best of intentions: protect kids from danger. It began with a focus on physical safety – removing sharp objects and choke hazards, requiring child seats, and not letting children walk home alone. Safety, however, has experienced substantial concept creep. It now includes emotional safety, that is, not being exposed ideas that could cause psychological distress. Taken together, the focus on physical and mental safety makes young people weaker.

Humans are what author and statistician Nassim Nicholas Taleb calls ‘antifragile’. We ‘benefit from shocks; [humans] thrive and grow when exposed to volatility, randomness, disorder, and stressors and love adventure, risk, and uncertainty’. Peanuts are a case in point of needing to be exposed to danger to build resilience. From the 1990s, parents were encouraged to not feed children peanuts, and childcare centres, kindergartens and schools banned peanuts. This moratorium has backfired. The LEAP study (Learning Early About Peanut Allergy) found that not eating peanut-containing products during infancy increases allergies. The researchers recruited 640 infants with a high risk of developing peanut allergy. Half were given a peanut-containing product. The other half avoided peanuts. The study found that 17 per cent of those who did not consume peanuts developed an allergy by age 5, compared to just 3 per cent of those who did consume the peanut-containing snack. Our immune system grows stronger when exposed to a range of foods, bacteria, and even parasites.

Antifragility applies to emotional health as well. When you guard children against every possible risk – do not let them outside to play or walk home alone – they exaggerate the fear of such situations and fail to develop resilience and coping skills. Stresses are necessary to learn, adapt and grow. Without movement, our muscles and joints grow weak. Without varied life experiences, our minds do not know how to cope with day-to-day stressors. Measures designed to protect children and students are backfiring. Fragility is a self-fulfilling prophecy. If you think certain ideas are dangerous, or are encouraged to do so by trigger warnings and safe spaces, you will be more anxious in the long run. Intellectual safety not only makes free and open debate impossible, it setting up a generation for more anxiety and depression. (...)

Feelings over debate

There is a link between rising mental health issues, safety culture and campus trends. It is notable how often students put censorious demands in the language of feeling safe. Students demand trigger warnings because ideas are emotionally challenging, safe spaces to hide away from scary situations, and the disinvitation of controversial speakers to feel safe on campus. While it is important to show courtesy in public debate, it is patently absurd to suggest that simply hearing an idea you dislike makes you unsafe in any meaningful way. As the old saying goes, ‘sticks and stones may break my bones, but words will never hurt me’. In fact, the opposite is true, post-traumatic growth is a real phenomenon: difficult situations do make us stronger. (...)

Safety culture undermines the entire purpose of a higher education. Universities exist to challenge students, to expand their worldview and develop their critical thinking. This is done by hearing and responding to ideas that make us feel uncomfortable. Efforts to censor speakers because they make some people feel ‘unsafe’ prevents the necessary process of argument and counter-argument in the pursuit of finding the truth.

Debate on campus is already undermined by the lack of viewpoint diversity – most academics come from a similar political pedigree, meaning students have fewer opportunities to be challenged in the first place. A lack of exposure to different ideas means a much more limited and weaker education. As British philosopher John Stuart Mill wrote, ‘He who knows only his own side of the case knows little of that.’ In other words, to make an argument thoughtfully, it is necessary to understand the counterfactual of one’s own argument.

by Matthew Lesh, Quillette |  Read more:
Image: uncredited

Jimmie Spheeris

Tuesday, September 11, 2018


Archigram. AD 39. May 1969
via:

Shutting Down the Memory Factory

Video Renaissance finally shut down this week. It outlasted Blockbuster and nearly every other video store by about half a decade, which is impressive. But it still can’t really console me.

When I was in high school, Video Renaissance was an oasis for misfits. For the most part, Sarasota was sleepy, conservative, and suburban. The guys at Video Renaissance were none of these things. They were excitable, proudly left-wing, and cosmopolitan. They also had a particular sensibility that I’ve come to admire: They loved culture but they weren’t pretentious about it. They were omnivores. Yes, they could talk to you about German Expressionism, but they didn’t at sneer anyone who was just in the mood for something loud and violent. The only people they couldn’t stand were the inverse snobs: the people who went “Oh, I can’t watch films in black and white.” The one requirement for their friendship: You had to be curious and a little offbeat.

I’ve been trying to think of an accurate way of conveying what it was like for my high school self, in a pretty boring tourist town, to come across Video Renaissance’s archive of 50,000 classics, cult movies, foreign movies, popular hits, and weird experimental what-have-you. The first comparison I thought of was the cave that Roald Dahl’s “BFG” lives in, where the BFG has endless shelves containing the children’s dreams he has collected, all in labeled jars. Going to Video Renaissance was like getting to prowl through the BFG’s dream collection.

The revelation that Video Renaissance gave me as a teenager was that the world is weird. Sarasota was—not entirely, but in large part—comprised of big box stores, chain restaurants, strip malls. I don’t mind these things much, but they were formulaic, predictable. Most of the blockbuster movies in theaters were similar: often fun, but nothing too unexpected ever happened in them. Video Renaissance showed me that the outer boundaries of the human imagination were far beyond anything I had previously seen. The store’s logo was a picture of the eyeball from Salvador Dali and Luis Bunuel’s Un Chien Andalou. In the film (spoiler alert) the eye gets sliced in half with a razor. It was a fitting analogy for the general experience. (...)

Some civilizations have preserved their cultural practices for hundreds of years. That doesn’t really happen under capitalism, where everything you love will be eaten alive the moment it ceases to be economically efficient. The video store had ceased to be “efficient,” and thus it had to be destroyed. I don’t think a single person was surprised: If anything, they were amazed it still existed at all. I’m under no illusion that there’s any world in which we could keep such places; the technology changes, and it’s impossible to stubbornly resist the inevitable spread of streaming video out of pure nostalgia for obsolete ways of doing things.

But I don’t think it is simple nostalgia. I genuinely feel worse off now, because I don’t have a place to go where friendly faces will be waiting to talk to me about movies. (And give me homemade cookies, which often happened at Video Renaissance.) A social space is gone, the cookies are gone, and all of the serendipitous interactions that would have happened in that place will now never take place. One kind of “efficiency” has been maximized even as “the efficient production of social interaction and joy” has been diminished.

The closure of Video Renaissance kind of feels like the closure of a “memory factory.” It was a place where memories are made. Now where will we make the memories? What people always tell me is that “things change,” new things emerge to replace the old things, it will just be different now. But I don’t know: When I go back to Sarasota, it’s going to feel really disturbing. One of the things that made it feel like “home” was going to stop by the store and talk about old movies. I don’t know where I’ll go now. There isn’t anywhere to go.

I know that as I get older, I’m probably likely to become curmudgeonly. I will grumble about buildings getting knocked down. I will talk about how things used to be back when everyone was cool and beautiful and people knew things and the world didn’t suck. This is all in my nature. And people will tell me that you can’t hang on to the past, that all things must pass, you have to accept the destruction of everything you’re sentimentally attached to as the price of progress, etc.

However, I’m actually beginning to conclude that the whole dismissal of “nostalgia” is simply a mistake. Some people (especially architects!) treat it as an irrational impulse, and think there’s something unduly sentimental about preservationists and people who get sad when half the buildings in their neighborhood are flattened and turned into high-rise condos. But what we call “nostalgia” often seems more properly described as a feeling of dislocation that comes from having one’s familiar world ripped apart. Many of us like “building a life,” and when the life we’ve built is suddenly taken from us without our having any say in it, we feel helpless and adrift. I don’t hate progress, I hate the psychological distress that comes from having my relationships and favorite places wrenched from me.

As I say, I’m under no illusion that video stores could be preserved. But what I do wonder is whether a better type of progress is possible. The closure of Video Renaissance made me ask myself: If we can’t keep video stores, but I don’t like a future in which everyone just sits at home and gives their money to Amazon Prime, what would movie-watching look like in my future utopia?

I guess it would be something like this: Yes, every film ever made would be instantly available at everybody’s fingertips for free through a publicly-run Spotify equivalent. But there also need to be places to meet people who know about and like movies, places like Video Renaissance. Perhaps we could have public places filled with screening rooms, which anybody could book to put on a screening of any film ever made. If you want to watch The Maltese Falcon tonight, you could do it in bed. But if you want to watch The Maltese Falcon tonight with some other people who like Humphrey Bogart, then just go on the screening-house website, click on an empty screening room, and indicate that The Maltese Falcon will be playing there at 8pm. If you intend to bring some pizzas, check the box marked “I am bringing some pizzas.” See who shows up. Make new friends.

It’s funny, though: As I was thinking about my “ideal place,” I kept coming up with things like “Well, you’d want it to have access to everything,” and “Well, you’d want anybody to be able to come there and use it for free.” And after a while of thinking, I realized that I was talking about something that strongly resembled a public library. A place where anyone can just come, access culture, meet, with no requirement to purchase anything. That’s what libraries are.

In fact, I’ve written before that public libraries are more radical and socialistic than people assume: If we provided other things people need in the way we provide books at libraries (e.g., if there was a government restaurant), it would seem quite a departure from the ordinary way of doing things. But libraries seem so natural that we don’t appreciate how remarkable they are. (...)

We need great places to make great memories. Your online life just isn’t as rich in some ways. But places like Video Renaissance are memory factories: They’re the places where the delightful encounters happen that we’ll remember. Having a town’s memory factories shut down robs it of something crucial. And it’s important that we think about what comes next: what the ideal world looks like, and how we can fill the hole left by the destruction of beloved institutions.

by Nathan J. Robinson, Current Affairs |  Read more:
Image: uncredited
[ed. See also: A Very Selective Kind of Efficiency, and For One Last Night, Make It a Blockbuster Night]

Byron Glacier Valley, AK
photo: markk